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מתנה ליולדת - מארזי מתנות 

 

מתנה ליולדת מארז בישום לבית – 'סיקרט'

מחיר: 120 ש"ח
המחיר לא כולל משלוח

מתנה ליולדת מארז בישום – 'דיזייר ליפס'

מחיר: 150 ש"ח
המחיר לא כולל משלוח

מתנה ליולדת מארז בישום לבית – 'בוקה'

מחיר: 120 ש"ח
המחיר לא כולל משלוח

מתנה ליולדת סט מוצרי טיפוח - 'סקסי בלאש'

מחיר:  110 ש"ח
המחיר לא כולל משלוח
 
 

מתנה ליולדת מארז שי - 'בלק פטוצ'ילי'

מחיר: 120 ש"ח
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מתנה ליולדת מארז בישום לבית – 'כותנה'

מחיר: 120 ש"ח
המחיר לא כולל משלוח
   
   

מתנה ליולדת 

INTRODUCTION
All living things from microbes to humans have
to reproduce themselves to maintain survival of
the species. In the higher animals, although it
takes two individuals of different sex to engage
in reproduction, most of the burden falls on the
female, from the egg-laying birds to the preg-
nant mammals. Pregnancy then is a natural,
although not necessarily inevitable, biological
process for most females. Any human female
who engages in intercourse with any regularity
could spend most of the years of her life
between the ages of fifteen and forty-five either
pregnant or nursing a newborn infant. It is esti-
mated that under optimal circumstances the
average woman would become pregnant every
other year during her reproductive life and, if
she did not give birth to twins or have other
forms of multiple births and if she nursed her
infants, she would give birth to fifteen children
during her lifetime. Obviously some women
would become pregnant more often than oth-
ers, with a theoretical maximum of about twen-
ty pregnancies for one woman. But what is the-
oretical is not always actual.The largest number
of live births recorded for any one woman is six-
ty-nine by the first wife of Feodor Vassilyev (her
first name does not appear in the records), a
peasant from the village of Shula, 150 miles east
of Moscow. She had thirty-seven pregnancies:
ten individual births, sixteen pairs of twins, sev-
en sets of triplets, and four sets of quadruplets,
all born between 1725 and 1765, and almost all
of them survived beyond the first year. Although
we can wonder about the historical accuracy of
such reports, we know that the leading mother

of the twentieth century, Leontina Espinossa

מתנה ליולדת

 
Albina (b. 1925) of San Antonio, Chile, in 1981
gave birth to the last of her fifty-five children,
forty of whom were still alive in the 1990s.
Most natural pregnancies, that is, before fertility
drugs, result in only one baby. At least three
women in the twentieth century have been
reported as having given birth in one pregnancy
to ten infants, all of whom were stillborn. An
equal number of women gave birth to nine,
none of whom survived beyond a few days.
   Although few women beyond their mid-for-
ties, without fertility drugs, give birth, many
have become pregnant at later ages. There are
several claims of women having given birth at
age seventy or older but historians have been
reluctant to accept such cases because when
investigation has been possible it turned out to
be an instance of a mother or grandmother
claiming as her own the illegitimate child of a
daughter or granddaught
er.The best document-
ed incident of an older woman giving birth was
the case of Ruth Alice Taylor Shephard Kistler
(1899–1982), whose daughter Suzan was born
in Glendale, California, on October 18, 1956,
when Kistler was 57 years and 129 days old. It is
also possible for pregnancies to occur at very
young ages, and births have been reported to
girls under ten, and one to a girl perhaps as
young as five, all the result of incest.The record
books are reluctant to publish such pregnancies
in the fear that some will attempt to try to
establish a new record.
   If the female reproductive potential is limited
to offspring numbering in the double digits, that
of the male can number into four digits. The
man who is recorded as having fathered the most

מתנה ליולדת


children is the polygamous Moulay Ismail
(1672–1727), the last Sharfan emperor of
Morocco. He was reported as having had 525
sons and 341 daughters by 1703, and in 1721 he
recorded the birth of his seven hundredth son.
Apparently by then he no longer recorded the
number of his daughters. The European holder
of the title is probably Augustus the Strong
(1670–1733), king of Poland and elector of Sax-
ony, who recognized 365 individuals as his chil-
dren, only one of whom was legitimate. The
record holders are the exception, but it is clear
that few peoples and societies ever reached the
theoretical maximum.
   Statisticians talk of a total maternity ratio,
defined as the average number of previous live
births per women age forty-five or over, regard-
less of whether a particular woman has children.
Obviously, not all women can or do have chil-
dren, and maternity ratio excludes abortions,
whether induced or spontaneous.Though sever-
al societies have at different times registered as
high as seven or eight, the highest rate recorded
is among the Hutterites, 10.6 per woman in the
first part of the twentieth century. The Hut-
terites are a communal religious group dating
from the sixteenth century that settled in South
Dakota between 1874 and 1877. They now live
in more than a hundred different religious
colonies in the Dakotas, Montana, and Washing-
ton in the United States and in Alberta,
Saskatchewan, and Manitoba in Canada. Inter-
estingly, their maternity ratio declined some-
what in the last part of the twentieth century.
Having children, however, did not necessarily
mean having a large family of adult children,
and, as Thomas Malthus pointed out at the end
of the eighteenth century, one result of
unchecked birthrates was misery, wars, and suf-
fering.
   Although infant mortality figures of the past
are notoriously difficult to determine accurate-
ly, our best estimates are that somewhere
between 25 and 40 percent of the infants born
before the nineteenth century did not live
beyond their first birthday. One of the best
sources of evidence we have about infant and
child mortality is in the progeny of European
royalty, where a high rate of infant mortality can
be documented. Infant mortality rates began to
decline in the nineteenth century, but at the
beginning of the twentieth they were still
between 15 and 17 percent of live births in
countries such as the United States and Great
Britain.
   Though infant mortality is not a form of birth
control, there is considerable evidence that the
high mortality rate of newborns and infants in
many societies has not necessarily been a result
of natural causes, but rather has resulted from
actions that either intentionally or unintention-
ally would lead to a higher death rate. In few
societies would infants be deliberately mur-
dered, although the father in many societies had
the right to accept or reject an infant’s member-
ship in the family, and rejection meant abandon-
ment of the infant. This practice allowed the
individuals involved to rationalize that the possi-
ble death of a child was up to the gods because
whether the child lived (by being found and
raised by someone else) or died was out of their
hands. Such practices have often been continued
today.
   I had a personal experience in Egypt with an
abandoned newborn that was found by a police-
man.When he tried to turn it over to the hospi-
tal, he was told that he had found it so it was his
responsibility and I remember the man mum-
bling that it was not his and what should he do.
As I talked to him later, he implied that he would
just ignore the next case he saw. In short, few of
the societal institutions were willing to take
responsibility for an infant’s survival and the
chance of one surviving were highly problemat-
ic. Even if the infant ended up in a foundling
home, as they often did in medieval Europe and
later, mortality statistics were extremely high in
such places because contagious diseases,
neglect, and infection killed most of the infants
early on.The problem of nursing infants in such
institutions was a serious one. Again, in Egypt
when I lived there, infants in such institutions

מתנה ליולדת


 

 
were nursed by wet nurses who were paid
monthly to be wet nurses. Some of the wet
nurses had very little milk but the need was so
desperate that almost any woman was accepted,
even older women beyond childbearing age.
When the wet nurses came in for the monthly
checkup, they brought the infants or corpses of
the infants with them. Many of the infants had
died weeks before but the wet nurses waited
until the end of the month in order to get maxi-
mum pay.Again, it was claimed it was God’s will
whether the infant lived or died.
   Many upper income residents of eighteenth-
and nineteenth-century Paris turned to wet
nurses until the infant reached the age when it
could take solid foods. Undoubtedly infant mor-
tality in the city (and in fact most major cities)
was high because of poor sanitation, likelihood
of contagious diseases, and other difficulties of
city living, but dependence on country wet
nurses probably increased rather than decreased
infant mortality. This is because wet nurses by
definition usually had infants of their own to
feed, and milk production was not always
enough to support more than one, although it
might have been the child of the wet nurse who
died because she might have neglected her own
for the money available for the other. Some esti-
mate that the total mortality rate of wet-nursed
babies sent out from Paris was more than 40
percent.
   Fertility was also curtailed by many societies,
whether consciously or unconsciously, by pro-
viding for periods of abstinence during some
seasons of the year such as Lent or by prohibit-
ing intercourse with women during certain
periods of their lives, as when they were lactat-
ing or menstruating. Because fertility among
men is highest when they are between sixteen
and twenty, another way of controlling popula-
tion growth is to delay the age of marriage for
both sexes and make the age higher for men. Ire-
land, for example, discouraged early marriages
for much of the twentieth century. Such a delay
is based on the assumption that women will
remain abstinent until marriage. Such assump-
tions are not usually made about men, who
remain free to visit prostitutes or engage in tem-
porary liaisons. Such practices work most effec-
tively in cutting down the total maternity ratio
in countries with a high tolerance for a double
standard of sexual conduct or where govern-
ment or religious control and interference in the
private lives of its citizens is very great.
   Another factor in keeping the maternity ratio
down was sexually transmitted diseases. Gonor-
rhea in women—transmitted, it was usually
claimed, by an errant husband—could cause
infertility, as could other sexually transmitted
diseases that were finally diagnosed only in the
twentieth century. Fertility is controlled also by
the health of the mother. Women on protein-
and iron-poor diets are more likely to be anemic
than are women on diets with adequate protein
and iron, and those with anemia are less likely to
become pregnant and, if pregnant, less able to
carry the baby to term. They also tend to die
younger. Maternal mortality has usually been
very high in the past, and inadequate diet has
been a major factor along with too many preg-
nancies too close together or difficulties in child
birth. Most women are not believed to have
lived long enough to reach the menopause, par-
ticularly if they had very many children.
   Another societal custom that could limit the
total maternity ratio is polygamy. It has the
effect of cutting the young men who are the
most fertile out of the marriage market because
the polygamists are the older and more political-
ly powerful men. If the number of wives or con-
cubines is very large, in spite of the example of
Moulay Ismail, it is difficult for an aging man to
keep them pregnant. Because on a random basis
of active sexual activity, without any under-
standing of the fertility period, a woman is like-
ly to become pregnant about one out of every
thirty-three times she has intercourse, the wom-
en in a harem would not always be pregnant.
Even if there were only three or four wives, the
pregnancy rate would decline, especially if there
was discrepancy in age between the husband and
his wives.



Whether any of these customs were deliber-
ately adopted as a means of birth control is
unclear, but it seems clear that throughout histo-
ry various methods have been tried to space
births, prevent pregnancy, or induce an abortion
if pregnancy occurred. Contemporary peoples
who live in tribal of nomadic groups, for exam-
ple, are known to use douches and drugs
believed to prevent or cure pregnancy, to prac-
tice withdrawal (coitus interruptus), and to
insert vaginal suppositories of one kind or
another as well as use magic and herbs. Some of
the methods were probably effective. For exam-
ple, the suppositories might have had resins that
blocked the entrance to the cervix or oils that
reduced the motility of the sperm. Subincision
was also practiced in some groups. It involves an
operation that creates a hole in the male urethra
at the base of the penis near the scrotum so that
during ejaculation semen dribbles over the scro-
tum instead of entering the vagina. Urine also
dribbles out but if a finger is placed over the
hole it acts as a plug, allowing both the urine and
semen to come out in the normal way.Whether
subincision was done originally for ritualistic
reasons or contraceptive purposes is not clear.
Although some semen when the hole is
unplugged might spill out onto the labia of the
woman and some semen and sperm might spill
into the vagina, it certainly lessened the likeli-
hood of pregnancy. We also know that many
peoples engaged in what can be called nonfertile
intercourse: anal, oral, or with a partner of the
same sex. Certainly such behavior was not rare
and was even common in classical antiquity, as
indicated in vase paintings and in literary works.
   The oldest birth control prescription we have
dates from the second millennium (between 2000
and 1000 B.C.E.). One of the difficulties with the
written record, however, is that it was mostly
written by men, and it is believed by most histo-
rians, including me, that women in the past were
far more involved than men in trying to establish
some kind of family planning, if only for their
own welfare. This so-called folk medicine passed
orally by women has occasionally been preserved.
Usually it involves the use of various plants or
minerals, many of which have been found to have
some effect on lowering the total maternity ratio.
Unfortunately much of this oral tradition has not
survived. Still, many of these traditional recipes
made their way into the medical works. And we
can now test to see how effective they were.
Some have been found to be rather effective as
abortifacients and some might well have acted to
lessen the potentiality of becoming pregnant.
These recipes are examined in detail in this book
under herbal remedies.
    We know that effective birth control is based
on a mindset that allows a person to believe that
it is possible to control or limit birth, and prob-
ably for long stretches of history that mindset
was held by only a few. Others simply acted in
desperation. Part of the difficulty was that peo-
ple knew little about the process of reproduc-
tion, although they knew it was dependent on
sexual intercourse. Semen was visible but sperm
and ova were not. Sperm was first seen at the
end of the seventeenth century, and although
there was speculation by the beginning of the
nineteenth century that women had something
like an egg, the process of fertilization was first
observed in the starfish in 1877. Not until the
discovery of hormones in the 1920s and 1930s
was the process of menstruation and fertilization
fully understood. This understanding ultimately
led to the various hormonal methods of birth
control and to a more accurate definition of a
safe period.
    There was, however, a recognition even in
ancient Egypt of the need to slow the motility of
the sperm and block off the cervix, the entrance
to the uterus. In the nineteenth century a concen-
trated effort was made to make such methods
more effective, although many of them were very
similar to devices used centuries earlier. It was
not enough, however, to find more effective
means of contraception or to bring about an
abortion; it was also necessary to convince the
public, especially women, that they could control
the use of their bodies. It was Sigmund Freud
who said biology was destiny, implying that there
 


was little that women could do to avoid their mis-
sion in life to be wives and mothers. Convincing
women that they could control their own bodies,
knowing that many wanted to do so, has been the
mission of birth control advocates, both women
and men, throughout the twentieth century and
into the beginning of the twenty-first.
   All of this is by way of introduction to this
encyclopedia, which is a historical-sociological
study of birth control throughout history.
Although the general history of birth control
worldwide is covered, the concentration here is
on the political efforts in the United Kingdom
and the United States that made modern birth
control possible. Although Appendix 1 provides
a country-by-country survey of present-day
birth control practices, this encyclopedia does
not discuss many of the world’s leaders in the
birth control movement; for example, individ-
uals in the Scandinavian countries such as Elise
Ottesen-Jensen are not discussed in any detail.
Each country had its own leaders and advo-
cates, although the general leadership of the
movement worldwide was basically American
and British. Space limitations and the difficul-
ties of covering all of the people who could be
potentially included have led to a decision to
somewhat narrow the focus.The Encyclopedia of
Birth Control still, however, is the most compre-
hensive historical survey of birth control, con-
traception, and abortion available. It is
designed for the average reader, but the spe-
cialist, I believe, will also find it helpful, and
everyone will find it interesting.
Vern L. Bullough
 
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